Discover Our Collections


  • Time Period > Post-Presidential (Jan. 21, 1969-) (remove)
  • Contributor > O'Brien, Lawrence F. (Lawrence Francis), 1917-1990 (remove)

32 results

  • at the efforts expended up to 1963 and then later, we did it the right way. G: What was Robert Kennedy's role in the 1963 civil rights bill? Do you recall his confrontation with John Lindsay and--? 12 LBJ Presidential Library http://www.lbjlibrary.org More
  • John F. Kennedy's (JFK) effort as a young politician to become a better communicator; how Lyndon Johnson's (LBJ) legislative power shifted when he became vice president and then president; JFK's and LBJ's different styles in dealing with members
  • and Robert Kennedy in 1964. You were perhaps in the middle, over the years, in that relationship. Did either man make an attempt during that year to improve the relationship? O: Yes, Lyndon Johnson did. G: Did he? O: In the sense that on a number
  • How John F. Kennedy's (JFK) assassination affected the reputation of Dallas and Texas; the emotional toll of JFK's and Robert Kennedy's (RFK) deaths on O'Brien; being asked to identify the missal that was used when Lyndon Johnson (LBJ) took his oath
  • be approximately ten days after he had announced his non-candidacy. I quickly took a trip to Indiana to survey the scene, met with the Kennedy supporters and returned to Washington. The farewell in the Post Office Department and with the President at the White
  • Robert F. Kennedy's (RFK) approach to his 1968 presidential campaign through primaries; seeking support for RFK before the Indiana primary; utilizing Matt Reese, block captains, and student volunteers in Indiana; receptions to thank local personnel
  • Development. O: Well, that all followed the pattern that had been established back at the time of Kennedy when the word was that [Robert] Weaver would be the first black member of the President's cabinet. That surrounded the enactment. As this dragged
  • of new towns; the creation of the Department of Housing and Urban Development with Secretary Robert Weaver as the first African-American cabinet member; how the Federal Housing Administration (FHA) was affected by the creation of HUD; a constitutional
  • to assume that probably there were some who shared the view that he should come back, and there were some who probably shared my view. I didn't see any great overriding reason for him to take that step. G: How did Robert Kennedy's death affect Lyndon
  • Robert F. Kennedy (RFK) loss to Eugene McCarthy in the Oregon primary; support for RFK going into the New York primary; concerns going into the California primary and memories of 1960 California problems with Edmund "Pat" Brown; the RFK/McCarthy
  • ? O: I don't think they could read highway signs. (Laughter) It was that bad. I can laugh about it now, but I'll tell you, there wasn't any laughter in the Oval Office while this was unfolding. G: Was Robert Kennedy involved? O: Yes. G: What
  • O'Brien's and John F. Kennedy's (JFK) relationship with John Glenn; how Glenn's space success helped NASA; the role of a vice president and how well Lyndon Johnson (LBJ) fit it; JFK's staff members' opinion of LBJ after JFK was assassinated; LBJ's
  • : Yes. G: Do you recall the circumstances of that? O: No. There was just a lot of movement up and down the stairway. G: Then Robert Kennedy went and talked with the Johnson people--Johnson, Rayburn, Connally, and the like--and told him
  • ) to be his running mate and O'Brien's and Robert Kennedy's (RFK) response; LBJ adding "geographical balance" to the ticket; JFK's meeting with LBJ to gauge his interest in the vice presidency; RFK's relationship with JFK; O'Brien's interview with Mike Wallace
  • relationship with the Kennedys and all the rest." The reason it never caused me difficulty is because of the clear understanding I had with Bobby. G: John Roche wrote in a December 1967 memo that with regard to Robert Kennedy--this is to LBJ--"Your actions
  • they affected the Post Office Department; political problems with Sam Yorty and Jesse Unruh; O'Brien's loyalty in working for LBJ until LBJ announced that he would not seek re-election; LBJ's relationship with Robert Kennedy and Edward Kennedy; November 1967
  • joining in the political activities first of Senator Kennedy and then Senator Humphrey that thereafter there was reluctance of the White House to push this measure through? O: I don't think it was due to my political involvement. This from the beginning
  • of O'Brien's proposed campaign task force; O'Brien's and Rowe's political experience; LBJ's request that O'Brien evaluate of the Massachusetts primary; O'Brien and Ted Kennedy and possible stand-ins for LBJ in Massachusetts; Robert F. Kennedy's (RFK) interest
  • , 1985 INTERVIEWEE: LAWRENCE F. O'BRIEN INTERVIEWER: Michael L. Gillette PLACE: Mr. O'Brien's office, New York City Tape 1 of 4, Side 1 G: Yesterday we were talking about President Kennedy and the southern members of Congress. Let me ask you
  • relationship with journalist Neil McNeil; concerns over publicity and media attention toward aides and staff members; Kenneth Keating's television show; John Connally's appointment as secretary of the navy; Robert Kennedy's appointment as attorney general
  • , if you will, the issues in that campaign as you saw them. O: We had anticipated--we, the Kennedy people--that 1964 would be a relatively pleasant experience. We were anticipating an easy time of it. Just before the trip to Dallas we had an informal
  • for the 1964 campaign; the second campaign report, covering sixteen additional states and the District of Columbia; improved distribution of campaign materials by mid-October 1964; efforts to reach African-American and elderly voters; Robert F. Kennedy's (RFK
  • that, but was infinitesimal in comparison, occurred the night that Bobby Kennedy lost the Oregon primary. It's not very pleasant to move through a losing election night, because at the presidential level, I've always considered election night somewhat comparable to the final
  • opinion of Citizen Hughes author Michael Drosnin and falsehoods in the book; Hughes' $25,000 donation through O'Brien to Robert Kennedy's campaign; O'Brien's trip to Ireland after the 1968 election.
  • through it. It had some negative references, probably to all the Kennedys, Bobby Kennedy. I didn't read it in detail. There was no need to because I had never seen that memo before. It was not the memo Bob Maheu had shown me so I simply stated, "I've never
  • and Harold Geneen of ITT, and other memos that would be harmful if leaked; Mitchell's and Kleindienst's denials of knowledge or involvement in ITT; Terry Lenzner's and Sam Dash's demand that Robert Maheu's replacement, Chester Davis, provide them
  • the troops. G: Did it have any enduring impact on the way the national committee worked or was set up? O: I don't think so, particularly. I think that we continued to follow the same course from Kennedy through Johnson, which I guess, with the exception
  • job until the end of the congressional session; LBJ's support for O'Brien's work and finding the best people to do congressional relations work; Robert Kennedy's support for O'Brien staying at his job at the White House.
  • perceived to be some foot-dragging. I think one member of the original cabinet of President Kennedy that had difficulty with it was the Postmaster General, Ed Day. Ed talked to me on a number of occasions and to others in the White House and he felt
  • to the Vatican during JFK's administration; difficulty managing the great number of lower-level appointments; Robert Kennedy's proposal to raise the salary of Justice Department lawyers; civil rights and the Democratic Party in 1962; Southern Democratic
  • , of course, there were ongoing negotiations involving the liberal wing of the party, the [Robert] Kennedy supporters and the McCarthy supporters, to see if they couldn't mount a unified effort on their part to stop Humphrey. As I indicated earlier
  • Support for Hubert Humphrey's nomination from George McGovern and Edward Kennedy, but not Eugene McCarthy; McCarthy's complaint that the Democratic National Convention had not been fair; O'Brien's August 27, 1968, memo discussing the campaign
  • , and that is a discussion you had with Joe Kennedy in the Oval Office about the New Frontier programs. O: Actually, it was a brief discussion, and it was en route from the living quarters over to the Oval Office. Joe Kennedy expressed some concern about his son Jack's
  • O'Brien's discussion with Joseph Kennedy about the New Frontier program; leadership in the House of Representatives before and after Sam Rayburn's death; the Trade Expansion Act of 1962; a private-sector public-relations operation led by Howard
  • from the State Department listed at the top of this grouping: [Frederick] Dutton, [Robert] Lee, [Eugene] Krizek, and [Nick] Zumas. Dutton was very much a substance fellow; he wasn't a fellow that went to the Hill very often, as I recall it. Gene Krizek
  • contact with the field. That operation was under the direction of Nancy Lyons, who had been extremely effective, she and the other women, in the Kennedy campaign.She was 3 LBJ Presidential Library http://www.lbjlibrary.org ORAL HISTORY TRANSCRIPT
  • chairmen and people at all levels in the party.We wanted to have Democratic governors and other officeholders around the country involved with the national committee. Vice chairmen were named. Governor [Robert] McNair became a vice chairman to be liaison
  • was able to purchase television time and allow Edmund Muskie to speak; 1970 election results nationwide; the Chappaquiddick incident involving Edward Kennedy; a February 1971 meeting between O'Brien, Carl Albert, Mike Mansfield, and potential 1972 potential
  • of the Vietnam issues in 1967. There was early on a disagreement between Secretary of Defense [Robert] McNamara and General [Earle] Wheeler over the effectiveness of the bombing. O: Yes. G: My impression is that the bombing became increasingly an issue
  • could see them; contact with the press and efforts to publicize legislative progress; disagreement between Robert McNamara and General Earle Wheeler over the effectiveness of bombing in Vietnam; cabinet meeting updates on Vietnam; LBJ's reaction
  • , surprisingly to him, was run out of the attorney general's office and that he himself had very little control of it. Robert Kennedy was the one who would designate who got jobs and that sort of thing. Any recollections on that? O: I don't recall
  • : Now you had, I'm sure, been to cabinet meetings before you became a member of the cabinet. O: I'd been to all of them. G: As the head of congressional relations. O: Yes. It was automatic on all cabinet agendas, [in] both [the] Kennedy and Johnson
  • attempt to build a structure in Washington, and we were not getting very far. It was not long after Dallas when, sitting in my office, it dawned on us that this rightly should be the Kennedy Center. You can say, "God, you were a bunch of ghouls sitting
  • Evans of the Evans-[Robert] Novak column at lunch, perhaps in early or mid-1971. Rowlie asked me why Chuck Colson hated my guts. I responded that I didn't know who Chuck Colson was. The name was a name I wasn't familiar with. Rowlie said, "Of course you
  • was a staunch supporter of the President. He supported President Kennedy fully and he supported President Johnson fully, and we could never have any quarrel with Mansfield's support of the program. In the area of Vietnam, he had a tendency to refrain from
  • . A commitment that had been made by the Democratic Party and by us in the Kennedy-Johnson period had not been fulfilled. Go back to the five-vote margin to expand the Rules Committee. There was further change in procedure in subsequent years, but he moved from
  • with me and made it clear he totally understood. Obviously, if this campaign was going anywhere the party regulars would have to be participants. Gary Hart was a student of the Kennedy era and the Kennedy campaign in 1960. He was well aware of the need
  • , it was to provide for undergraduate scholarships. It got into a controversial teacher corps proposal, which was not in the initial presentation but was something Gaylord Nelson and Ted Kennedy had an interest in. That became the single most controversial aspect. G
  • in the first step, to stop Kennedy. If they could stop McGovern, then they'd see what would happen. In the case of Kennedy and the case of McGovern, the end result reflected the intensity of the effort that had been expended over a period of a couple of years
  • saying that] this was a matter you discussed often and at inordinate length. O: Inordinate length, back to the Kennedy days, and Russell Long became wedded to this concept. He was almost alone for a long time in his advocacy. The period that we're
  • to prepare myself for the private sector that extended back prior to joining Hubert Humphrey and shortly following the death of Bobby Kennedy had been brought into focus. I had failed to comply with the agreements I had made with the three networks and Hughes